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Chapter 10. Partners Again? The European Union and the Post-Yugoslav Citizens (Book chapter)

Book title: Nations and Citizens in Yugoslavia and the Post-Yugoslav States

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ISBN: 9781474221559 Year: Pages: 173-186 DOI: 10.5040/9781474221559.ch-011 Language: English
Publisher: Bloomsbury Academic Grant: H2020 European Research Council - 230239
Subject: Political Science --- Social Sciences
Added to DOAB on : 2018-01-30 11:01:47
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The final chapter brings to the scene the European Union whose influence in shaping the post-Yugoslav citizenship regimes and the lives of their citizens is highly significant. Today the region is divided into the EU members and the potential candidates for membership. When it comes to the EU’s role in influencing, shaping, defining and re-defining the citizenship regimes in the post-Yugoslav region, this chapter shows how diverse the EU’s actions and results are and how often, alongside obvious improvements, they appear problematic, counterproductive or fruitless. The chapter focuses on five major ways whereby the EU itself (mis)manages these citizenship regimes and their citizens: (a) direct intervention and supervision such as in Kosovo, Bosnia and Macedonia; (b) the visa liberalization process in Bosnia, Serbia, Montenegro and Macedonia; (c) the pre-accession influence in Croatia (until 2013), Serbia and Montenegro; (d) the post-accession influence in EU members Croatia (after 2013) and Slovenia, and, finally, (e) the influence exerted by individual EU Member States (Hungary, Greece, Bulgaria and, after 2013, Croatia) on non-EU post-Yugoslav citizenship regimes. The final chapter in the story of one hundred years of citizenship in and after Yugoslavia brings to the scene another powerful player whose influence in shaping the post-Yugoslav citizenship regimes and influencing the lives of their citizens is far from insignificant. The EU has been the most powerful political and economic agent in this region that has effectively divided it into the EU members and the potential candidates for membership. The former Yugoslav space overlaps with the so-called Western Balkans, a changing geopolitical construct forged in Brussels, composed of those former Yugoslav republics that have not joined the EU so far plus Albania. The ‘Western Balkans’ approach as an umbrella term for the countries outside the EU but completely encircled by the EU, though the Schengen border moves much slower, hides the fact that, regardless of the EU membership, Slovenia is still deeply involved with its southern neighbours and Croatia remains one of the most important actors in the former Yugoslav space. One could say that ‘Yugoslavia’ in this respect has disappeared as a political entity but not as a geopolitical space.&#xD;&#xD;The EU does not only directly influence its members (Slovenia and Croatia), supervises the Western Balkan candidates – ‘negotiations’ being a euphemism for a one-way communication amounting to the huge translation operation of the acquis communautaire – but it actually maintains there two semi-protectorates (Bosnia and Kosovo). It has developed varied approaches: bilaterally negotiating membership (Croatia before 2013, Serbia, Montenegro and Albania), punishing and rewarding (Serbia, Bosnia, Kosovo and Albania), managing (Bosnia), governing (Kosovo) and, finally, ignoring (Macedonia blocked in the name dispute with Greece). The EU in the Balkans is therefore not only a club that tests its candidates. It is an active player in transforming them, politically, socially and economically. David Chandler concludes that ‘the EU’s discourse of governance enables it to exercise a regulatory power over the 174candidate member states of Southeastern Europe while evading any reflection on the EU’s own management processes, which are depoliticized in the framing of the technocratic or administrative conditions of enlargement’ (2010: 69). If the EU basically builds future or potential member states, then we have to ask how the EU manages both citizenship regimes of the post-Yugoslav states and their citizens.

Epilogue (Book chapter)

Book title: Nations and Citizens in Yugoslavia and the Post-Yugoslav States

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ISBN: 9781474221559 Year: Pages: 187-193 DOI: 10.5040/9781474221559.ch-012 Language: English
Publisher: Bloomsbury Academic Grant: H2020 European Research Council - 230239
Subject: Political Science --- Social Sciences
Added to DOAB on : 2018-01-30 11:01:47
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‘Who is in and who is out? – these are the first questions that any political community must answer about itself’ (Walzer 1993: 55). We can agree with Michael Walzer on this point, but there is one important question that precedes asking who is in and who is out and that is, why are we in this together in the first place? How did a concrete political community come into being, and why does it still exist? How does a person find himself or herself in a particular community whose members are then recognized as co-citizens? And, are we all satisfied with the existing legal, political and social arrangements within the shared polity? Maybe we want our political community to be organized differently, or we want to belong to an entirely different community, one that exists or the one that is yet to be? In short, every political community is confronted with the why of its existence, having to convince its members – or at least a good portion of them – that they do belong together. This is what I call the citizenship argument of a political community.

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epilogue

Nations and Citizens in Yugoslavia and the Post-Yugoslav States

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ISBN: 9781474221559 9781474221535 9781474221528 Year: Pages: 228 DOI: 10.5040/9781474221559 Language: English
Publisher: Bloomsbury Academic Grant: FP7 Ideas: European Research Council - 230239
Subject: Political Science --- Social Sciences
Added to DOAB on : 2018-01-30 11:01:51
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Between 1914 and the present day the political makeup of the Balkans has relentlessly changed, following unpredictable shifts of international and internal borders. Between and across these borders various political communities were formed, co-existed and (dis)integrated. By analysing one hundred years of modern citizenship in Yugoslavia and post-Yugoslav states, Igor Štiks shows that the concept and practice of citizenship is necessary to understand how political communities are made, un-made and re-made. He argues that modern citizenship is a tool that can be used for different and opposing goals, from integration and re-unification to fragmentation and ethnic engineering.&#xD;&#xD;The study of citizenship in the ‘laboratory’ of the Balkands offers not only an original angle to narrate an alternative political history, but also an insight into the fine mechanics and repeating glitches of modern politics, applicable to multinational states in the European Union and beyond.

Chapter 8. Enemies (Book chapter)

Book title: Nations and Citizens in Yugoslavia and the Post-Yugoslav States

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ISBN: 9781474221559 Year: Pages: 133-148 DOI: 10.5040/9781474221559.ch-009 Language: English
Publisher: Bloomsbury Academic Grant: H2020 European Research Council - 230239
Subject: Political Science --- Social Sciences
Added to DOAB on : 2018-01-30 11:01:51
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Chapter 8 shows the connection between a certain vision of citizenship – in this context, ethnonationally defined – and violence, and how citizenship is crucial though under-researched trigger of violence. To examine why and how this violence happened, and what was the role of citizenship, the chapter examines the whole post-socialist post-partition European states. It argues that the fate of many citizens of the former socialist federations in the context of their imminent disintegration was determined by their answers to the following questions: Did the incipient states (republics) and the federal centre accept the separation and the existing borders? Did all groups and all regions accept independence and the authorities of the new states? The analysis of the possible answers to these questions across post-socialist Europe brings us to three decisive triggers of violence: citizenship, borders and territories, and, finally in the early 1990s, the role of the military apparatus of defunct federations. One could safely conclude that there is an intimate historic affinity between citizenship and war. From the antique city-states where full citizenship status was acquired by serving in war (Anderson 1996: 28, 33; Pocock 1998), via the traditional military draft for men (and in some places for women) to contemporary practices that enable immigrants and foreigners serving in the armed forces, such as the US army or in the Légion étrangère, an easier access to citizenship. There is a historic relationship between ‘blood’, either inherited or spilled (one’s own or of other people), and citizenship. However, violence related to citizenship is not only physical but often invisible. It is the violence of administrative decisions, hierarchy of different statuses, ‘wrong’ passports and ‘papers’ or deprivations of citizenship. In the following chapter, I will also tackle the issue of physically invisible but nonetheless effective violence caused by the post-Yugoslav citizenship regimes. In this chapter though, I will turn to the outbreak of that ‘visible’ violence that spread across almost all corners of the former Yugoslavia. To examine why and how this violence happened, and what was the role of citizenship, we need to cast the net more widely all over post-socialist post-partition European states.

Chapter 9. From Equal Citizens to Unequal Groups (Book chapter)

Book title: Nations and Citizens in Yugoslavia and the Post-Yugoslav States

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ISBN: 9781474221559 Year: Pages: 151-172 DOI: 10.5040/9781474221559.ch-010 Language: English
Publisher: Bloomsbury Academic Grant: H2020 European Research Council - 230239
Subject: Political Science --- Social Sciences
Added to DOAB on : 2018-01-30 11:01:51
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ifferent citizens from other former Yugoslav republics who were permanent residents on their territory when the new citizenship regime came into effect. In their extreme manifestation, citizenship laws and practices have also been used as a subtle, but nonetheless powerful tool for ethnic cleansing. The deprivation of citizenship, and the subsequent loss of basic social and economic rights, has been quite effective in forcing a sizable number of individuals to leave their habitual places of residence and move either to ‘their’ kin states or abroad. The break-up of Yugoslavia and the other two multinational federations meant that millions literally went to bed as full-fledged citizens and woke up as individuals with questionable status.

Chapter 7. Where is My State? Citizenship as a Factor in Yugoslavia’s Disintegration (Book chapter)

Book title: Nations and Citizens in Yugoslavia and the Post-Yugoslav States

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ISBN: 9781474221559 Year: Pages: 119-132 DOI: 10.5040/9781474221559.ch-008 Language: English
Publisher: Bloomsbury Academic Grant: H2020 European Research Council - 230239
Subject: Political Science --- Social Sciences
Added to DOAB on : 2018-01-30 11:02:17
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Chapter 7 shows that citizenship has to be counted as one of the crucial factors of Yugoslavia’s disintegration. The fundamental questions of citizenship related to the very definition of membership in a political community as well as the citizenship contract by which citizen exchanges his loyalty and duties for the rights and protection by his political community and its institutions (state) influenced critically the democratization process and Yugoslavia’s disintegration. At the crucial junction, in the context of imminent redefinition and possible collapse of federal Yugoslavia, between early 1990 and early 1992, citizens were asking themselves these basic questions: To what political community do I belong? or, to whom do I owe my loyalty? And, finally, who (what state?) guarantees, or promises to guarantee my rights – starting with human, civic and political rights, employment and property … – and, last but not least, security? The ethnonational conception of citizenship, the chapter argues, finally prevailed and fuelled conflicts over the redefinition of borders within which the ethnonational states were to be formed on the basis of absolute majorities of the core ethnonational groups.

Chapter 6. Partners into Competitors (Book chapter)

Book title: Nations and Citizens in Yugoslavia and the Post-Yugoslav States

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ISBN: 9781474221559 Year: Pages: 103-118 DOI: 10.5040/9781474221559.ch-007 Language: English
Publisher: Bloomsbury Academic Grant: H2020 European Research Council - 230239
Subject: Political Science --- Social Sciences
Added to DOAB on : 2018-01-30 11:02:19
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The clash between civic and ethnic solidarity as well as diverse understanding of whom should be loyal to whom and who belong together turned decisive at the moment when the multi-party majority democracy was introduced in the Yugoslav republics. Democratic participation and political belonging clashed in Yugoslavia at the junction of Yugoslav citizenship, republican citizenship and ethnic membership. Yugoslavia’s initial democratization eventually exacerbated inter-republic and inter-ethnic conflicts which had been meticulously nurtured and controlled by those nationalist elites who were attempting to, by multi-party elections, accede to power or stay in power. In this context, messages sent from the West underscoring the importance of state consolidation for successful democratization did not pressure regional actors to redefine or reform their ethnically heterogeneous states towards greater pluralism. They reinforced the idea that a truly functional state could only be an ethnically homogenized nation-state. In multinational socialist federations, it ended up promoting ethnically based political communities in opposition to the existing civic-legal political communities at the republican level as basis for democracy. This chapter argues that this ethnocentric vision of citizenship immediately challenged the existing social realities and institutional settings, put in question the borders between the republics, and opened the doors for violence and war. In his book States and Power in Africa: Comparative Lessons in Authority and Control, Jeffrey Herbst describes the conflicts between the Zulu and early Dutch settlers over their opposing conceptions of sovereignty over territory and people. The Zulu believed that their political authority extended wherever people had pledged obedience to their king regardless of the territory where they happened to be. Also, ‘the Zulu believed that they could let the whites settle on land without giving up ownership’, whereas for the European whites, occupation over a certain territory also meant the ownership of that territory and control of the people that happened to be there (2000: 40–41). Extrapolated from its colonial context in which the Dutch colonizers wanted to absolutely dominate the colonized and take their land, the story could be interpreted as a clash between the conception of a political community based on ethnic, cultural, hereditary or maybe also declaratory loyalty and solidarity, regardless of existing political boundaries and polities in which the members of this community live, and a political community based on loyalty to the authorities governing a territory where one lives and, ideally, on solidarity with all those who happen to be on that territory under the same authorities. Modern states in reality often combine these two principles in a particular way: they often claim that their citizens or their ethnic kin abroad are bound to their polity and thus expect a loyalty and sometimes exercise an influence on diaspora members (who, in turn, are often interested in meddling in political affairs of the ‘old country’), but, internally, they always insist on undivided loyalty of the population they govern. Even further from its original South African situation, the clash between what we can generally call civic and ethnic solidarity, as well as different understandings of whom should be loyal to whom and who belonged together, turned crucial during the last years of Yugoslavia and decisive at the moment when the multi-party majority democracy was introduced in its republics.

Chapter 1. Brothers United (Book chapter)

Book title: Nations and Citizens in Yugoslavia and the Post-Yugoslav States

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ISBN: 9781474221559 Year: Pages: 25-36 DOI: 10.5040/9781474221559.ch-002 Language: English
Publisher: Bloomsbury Academic Grant: H2020 European Research Council - 230239
Subject: Political Science --- Social Sciences
Added to DOAB on : 2018-01-31 11:01:44
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Chapter 1 shows the historical trajectory of the idea that South Slavs as linguistic and cultural ‘brothers’ should form a single nation and establish their own national state. The state came into being after the First World War when citizens of different pre-war entities (empires and kingdoms) came together to form a political community. The attempts to make it viable and functional proved difficult. Chapter 1 shows competing ideas about Yugoslav political unification that directly affected citizenship as well as citizens’ relationship with the new state: unitarism vs federalism; one nation vs many nations; common vs multinational culture; monarchy vs republic. It shows how the first citizenship regime was created on a unitary basis and why it came in existence almost 10 years after the creation of the state. It portrays a crisis-ridden country and a fragile community within which communists as a new political force will emerge with their own vision how to transform Yugoslavia. The revolver came from Serbia, but the finger that pulled the trigger that would kill Franz Ferdinand and thus announce the end of one world and the birth of another acted upon two strong beliefs. If one can judge from his statement, underage Gavrilo Princip, like so many of his peers, was foremost convinced that South Slavs should be liberated from a foreign yoke and unite in their own state; this belief was strongly though not articulately mixed with another conviction that the world about to come must be the world of profound social transformation. Two motives with which our story of ‘one hundred years of citizenship’ begins will be repeated in many different forms during this century: should South Slavs have their own common state? Or form separate ones? And, regardless of the answer, should political transformations entail more social equality or only a change of the rulers at the top of the existing hierarchy? Every idea often has deep roots and various historic materializations. One of the two ideas that materialized in that finger that eventually pulled the trigger on 28 June 1914 had started its long voyage to Sarajevo almost a century before.

Chapter 2. Revolutionary Brothers (Book chapter)

Book title: Nations and Citizens in Yugoslavia and the Post-Yugoslav States

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ISBN: 9781474221559 Year: Pages: 37-52 DOI: 10.5040/9781474221559.ch-003 Language: English
Publisher: Bloomsbury Academic Grant: H2020 European Research Council - 230239
Subject: Political Science --- Social Sciences
Added to DOAB on : 2018-01-31 11:01:46
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re complex as two parallel nationalist movements – one seeking higher Yugoslav unity, the other arguing for the separate political autonomy of ethnic groups – often complemented one another, but at other times were in open conflict. Moreover, the political and territorial ambitions entailed by the various ethnic nationalisms often collided with each other. Eventually, as elsewhere, a marriage of necessity brought the two together. Yugoslav communists had to acknowledge that nationalism was a potent political force. They thus continued searching for a political project that could successfully combine both social and national emancipation in the context of developed and often mutually exclusive national projects of neighbouring groups. In this chapter, I show how the Yugoslav communists ‘discovered’ the successful federalist formula for the socialist re unification of Yugoslavia after the Second World War as well as how, as with any ‘successful’ formula, its discovery was preceded by numerous fruitless experiments.

Introduction (Book chapter)

Book title: Nations and Citizens in Yugoslavia and the Post-Yugoslav States

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ISBN: 9781474221559 Year: Pages: 1-22 DOI: 10.5040/9781474221559.ch-001 Language: English
Publisher: Bloomsbury Academic Grant: H2020 European Research Council - 230239
Subject: Political Science --- Social Sciences
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The introductory chapter explains why Yugoslavia and the post-Yugoslav region, due to frequent constitutional changes, provides such an interesting and insightful example for studying modern politics and it shows why citizenship offers necessary lenses to understand political and social processes. It explains what do we mean by citizenship, in theory and practice, and why we introduce a heuristic concept of citizenship regime that encompasses legal and administrative side of inclusion and exclusion, social and political dynamic of membership and the influence of ideologies and everyday experiences of citizenship. The introduction shows the â&#128;&#152;citizenship gapâ&#128;&#153; in the literature covering the former Yugoslavia, the ideological conflicts over the concept and its practices and their inexplicable marginalization in the scholarship focused on the construction and, mostly, destruction of Yugoslavia. It also defines modern citizenship as a tool for various political and social purposes in this region over the last century. A study of transformations of citizenship represents thus an alternative political history of Yugoslavia and the post-Yugoslav states.

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